E mais uma vez, ele ficou bem quietinho sobre Ribbentrop, Molotov, Katyn, Nanquim & barbaridades afins!
Nem um pio!
Interessante...
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Bob Guccione escreveu:Mais uma vez, o nobre colega Tricampeão falou, falou, falou, falou, falou, falou, falou e falou...
E mais uma vez, ele ficou bem quietinho sobre Ribbentrop, Molotov, Katyn, Nanquim & barbaridades afins!
Nem um pio!
Interessante...
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No, no... Sou apenas o filho de um pequeno burguês debruçado sobre os livros no Museu Britânico... Infelizmente minha barba é muito rala...Tricampeão escreveu:Porque os ricos não foram perseguidos; pelo contrário, colaboraram com o regime. Judeus ricos e gays ricos, é claro, porque comunista rico, só o Compson.
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Pára, Compson.Compson escreveu:No, no... Sou apenas o filho de um pequeno burguês debruçado sobre os livros no Museu Britânico... Infelizmente minha barba é muito rala...Tricampeão escreveu:Porque os ricos não foram perseguidos; pelo contrário, colaboraram com o regime. Judeus ricos e gays ricos, é claro, porque comunista rico, só o Compson.
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Ah, não sabia que o Compson era corinthiano...agora entendo porque ele defende tanto a fraude do Silvio Santos...Fortimbrás escreveu:Pára, Compson.Compson escreveu:No, no... Sou apenas o filho de um pequeno burguês debruçado sobre os livros no Museu Britânico... Infelizmente minha barba é muito rala...Tricampeão escreveu:Porque os ricos não foram perseguidos; pelo contrário, colaboraram com o regime. Judeus ricos e gays ricos, é claro, porque comunista rico, só o Compson.
Além de ser um comunista rico ainda é o único corintiano da face da terra que não é maloqueiro.
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O mais irônico é que se a Polônia tivesse resistido mais um mês, a Alemanha teria ficado sem munições - a produção bélica era insuficiente à época mas também não tinha como aguentar muito já que a Polônia usava cavalaria enquanto a Alemanha tinha tanques.O Pastor escreveu:A invasão da Polonia serviu para mostrar a eficiência da máquina militar alemã. Nem mesmo os alemaes sabiam se o conceito da blitzkrieg poderia ser bem sucedido na pratica. Ainda assim, os nazista eram inferiores a França-Inglaterra.
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A linha Maginot foi um conceito ridiculo dos lideres franceses que bobamente ficaram achando que os alemães atacariam por ali, eheheheh!! Depois, não tiveram como deslocar seus recursos militares para barrá-los na fronteira com a Bélgica.PRS escreveu: A França caiu , também, por um erro de conceito : eles investiram na linha Maginot, ainda pensando numa guerra de posições da Primeira Grande Guerra e os alemães só tiveram de contorná-la.
Os alemães tinham uma máquina de guerra eficiente? EM TERMOS - as legiões de elite, os veteranos da Condor - tinham moral e treinamento acima da média.,porém, a maioria do contingente eram de soldados não mais bem treinados que seus equivalentes europeus .
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Como eu afirmei anteriormente, é natural que o nobre colega tenha tanto ódio do Reagan.Tricampeão escreveu:Voltando ao tema do tópico, que trata das ameaças externas à soberania brasileira, gastemos algum tempo falando gringo mais filho da puta da História, Ronald Que Morreu Por Excesso De Merda Na Cabeça Reagan.
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Resumindo:During the 1930s, the dominant labor union in Hollywood, the International Alliance of Theatrical and Stage Employees Union (IATSE), was led by men with ties to organized crime. Studio heads also supported union leaders financially in order to inhibit strikes and keep labor cost increases low. After IATSE leaders were sentenced to prison terms for extortion, organizing drives by opposition labor groups began to surge. The Conference of Studio Unions (CSU), a craft union coalition headed by Herbert K. Sorrell, was founded in 1941 following a divisive, but successful strike against Walt Disney Productions by cartoonists aligned with Sorrell. During an eight-month CSU-led industry-wide strike in 1945, IATSE, aided by the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Values (MPA), a right-wing anticommunist industry group, launched a campaign to brand their rival as communistic. A further strike marked by police violence occurred the following year, and in 1947, with the cooperation of Screen Actors’ Guild president Ronald Reagan, the studio heads, MPA, and IATSE emerged victorious in the jurisdictional battle.
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TESTIMONY OF RONALD REAGAN . . .
Mr. STRIPLING: As a member of the board of directors, as president of the Screen Actors Guild, and as an active member, have you at any time observed or noted within the organization a clique of either Communists or Fascists who were attempting to exert influence or pressure on the guild?
Mr. REAGAN: Well, sir, my testimony must be very similar to that of Mr. (George) Murphy and Mr. (Robert) Montgomery. There has been a small group within the Screen Actors Guild which has consistently opposed the policy of the guild board and officers of the guild, as evidenced by the vote on various issues. That small clique referred to has been suspected of more or less following the tactics that we associate with the Communist Party.
Mr. STRIPLING: Would you refer to them as a disruptive influence within the guild?
Mr. REAGAN: I would say that at times they have attempted to be a disruptive influence.
Mr. STRIPLING: You have no knowledge yourself as to whether or not any of them are members of the Communist Party?
Mr. REAGAN: No, sir; I have no investigative force, or anything, and I do not know.
Mr. STRIPLING: Has it ever been reported to you that certain members of the guild were Communists?
Mr. REAGAN: Yes, sir; I have heard different discussions and some of them tagged as Communists. . . .
Mr. STRIPLING: Would you say that this clique has attempted to dominate the guild?
Mr. REAGAN: Well, sir, by attempting to put their own particular views on various issues, I guess in regard to that you would have to say that our side was attempting to dominate, too, because we were fighting just as hard to put over our views, in which we sincerely believed, and I think, we were proven correct by the figures—Mr. Murphy gave the figures—and those figures were always approximately the same, an average of 90 percent or better of the Screen Actors Guild voted in favor of those matters now guild policy.
Mr. STRIPLING: Mr. Reagan, there has been testimony to the effect here that numerous Communist-front organizations have been set up in Hollywood. Have you ever been solicited to join any of those organizations or any organization which you considered to be a Communist-front organization?
Mr. REAGAN: Well, sir, I have received literature from an organization called the Committee for a Far-Eastern Democratic Policy. I don’t know whether it is Communist or not. I only know that I didn’t like their views and as a result I didn’t want to have anything to do with them.
Mr. STRIPLING: Were you ever solicited to sponsor the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee?
Mr. REAGAN: No, sir; I was never solicited to do that, but I found myself misled into being a sponsor on another occasion for a function that was held under the auspices of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee.
Mr. STRIPLING: Did you knowingly give your name as a sponsor?
Mr. REAGAN: Not knowingly. Could I explain what that occasion was?
Mr. STRIPLING: Yes sir.
Mr. REAGAN: I was called several weeks ago. There happened at the time in Hollywood to be a financial drive on to raise money to build a badly needed hospital in a certain section of town, called the All Nations Hospital. I think the purpose of the building is so obvious by the title that it has the support of most of the people of Hollywood—or, of Los Angeles, I should say. Certainly of most of the doctors, because it is very badly needed.
Some time ago I was called to the telephone. A woman introduced herself by name. Knowing that I didn’t know her I didn’t make any particular note of her name and I couldn’t give it now. She told me that there would be a recital held at which Paul Robeson would sing and she said that all the money for the tickets would go to the hospital and asked if she could use my name as one of the sponsors. I hesitated for a moment because I don’t think that Mr. Robeson’s and my political views coincide at all and then I thought I was being a little stupid because, I thought, here is an occasion where Mr. Robeson is perhaps appearing as an artist and certainly the object, raising money, is above any political consideration, it is a hospital supported by everyone. I have contributed money myself. So I felt a little bit as if I had been stuffy for a minute and I said, certainly, you can use my name.
I left town for a couple of weeks and when I returned I was handed a newspaper story that said that this recital was held at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles under the auspices of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. The principal speaker was Emil Lustig, Robert Burman took up a collection, and the remnants of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade were paraded to the platform. I did not in the newspaper story see one word about the hospital. I called the newspaper and said I am not accustomed to writing to editors, but would like to explain my position, and he laughed and said, “You needn’t bother, you are about the fiftieth person that has called with the same idea, including most of the legitimate doctors who had also been listed as sponsors of that affair.”
Mr. STRIPLING: Would you say from your observation that that is typical of the tactics or strategy of the Communists, to solicit and use the names of prominent people to either raise money or gain support?
Mr. REAGAN: I think it is in keeping with their tactics; yes, sir.
Mr. STRIPLING: Do you think there is anything democratic about those tactics?
Mr. REAGAN: I do not, sir.
Mr. STRIPLING: As president of the Screen Actors Guild you are familiar with the jurisdictional strike which has been going on in Hollywood for some time?
Mr. REAGAN: Yes, sir.
Mr. STRIPLING: Have you ever had any conferences with any of the labor officials regarding this strike?
Mr. REAGAN: Yes, sir. . . .
Mr. STRIPLING: Do you know whether the Communists have participated in any way in this strike?
Mr. REAGAN: Sir, the first time that this word “Communist” was ever injected into any of the meetings concerning the strike was at a meeting in Chicago with Mr. William Hutchinson, president of the carpenters union, who were on strike at the time. He asked the Screen Actors Guild to submit terms to Mr. (Richard) Walsh, for Walsh to give in in the settling of this strike, and he told us to tell Mr. Walsh that if he would give in on these terms he in turn would break run this Sorrell and the other commies out—I am quoting him—and break it up. I might add that Mr. Walsh and Mr. Sorrell were running the strike for Mr. Hutchinson in Hollywood.
Mr. STRIPLING: Mr. Reagan, what is your feeling about what steps should be taken to rid the motion-picture industry of any Communist influences, if they are there?
Mr. REAGAN: Well, sir . . . 99 percent of us are pretty well aware of what is going on, and I think within the bounds of our democratic rights, and never once stepping over the rights given us by democracy, we have done a pretty good job in our business of keeping those people’s activities curtailed. After all, we must recognize them at present as a political party. On that basis we have exposed their lies when we came across them, we have opposed their propaganda, and I can certainly testify that in the case of the Screen Actors Guild we have been eminently successful in preventing them from, with their usual tactics, trying to run a majority of an organization with a well organized minority.
So that fundamentally I would say in opposing those people that the best thing to do is to make democracy work. In the Screen Actors Guild we make it work by insuring everyone a vote and by keeping everyone informed. I believe that, as Thomas Jefferson put it, if all the American people know all of the facts they will never make a mistake.
Whether the party should be outlawed, I agree with the gentlemen that preceded me that that is a matter for the Government to decide. As a citizen I would hesitate, or not like, to see any political party outlawed on the basis of its political ideology. We have spent 170 years in this country on the basis that democracy is strong enough to stand up and fight against the inroads of any ideology. However, if it is proven that an organization is an agent of a power, a foreign power, or in any way not a legitimate political party, and I think the Government is capable of proving that, if the proof is there, then that is another matter. . . .
I happen to be very proud of the industry in which I work; I happen to be very proud of the way in which we conducted the fight. I do not believe the Communists have ever at any time been able to use the motion-picture screen as a sounding board for their philosophy or ideology. . . .
The CHAIRMAN: There is one thing that you said that interested me very much. That was the quotation from Jefferson. That is just why this committee was created by the House of Representatives, to acquaint the American people with the facts. Once the American people are acquainted with the facts there is no question but what the American people will do a job, the kind of a job that they want done; that is, to make America just as pure as we can possibly make it.
We want to thank you very much for coming here today.
Mr. REAGAN: Sir, if I might, in regard to that, say that what I was trying to express, and didn’t do very well, was also this other fear. I detest, I abhor their philosophy, but I detest more than that their tactics, which are those of the fifth column, and are dishonest, but at the same time I never as a citizen want to see our country become urged, by either fear or resentment of this group, that we ever compromise with any of our democratic principles through that fear or resentment. I still think that democracy can do it.
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Espero que esse FATO seja o suficiente para que os poucos defensores de gringo que ainda existem no mundo parem de tentar deturpar os tópicos que tratam da ameaça que os Estados FALI-D-O-DOS representam para todos nós.ARMAS Y DROGAS NO DECLARADAS EN UN AVION MILITAR ESTADOUNIDENSE
Un avión militar estadounidense intentó ingresar un cargamento no declarado de armas de guerra, equipos de comunicación encriptada, programas informáticos y drogas narcóticas y estupefacientes. CFK ordenó abrir una valija, que los estadounidenses se negaban a entregar.
El gobierno nacional impidió el ingreso de “carga sensitiva” secreta que arribó al aeropuerto internacional de Ezeiza en un vuelo de la Fuerza Aérea de los Estados Unidos y sobre cuyo empleo no se ofrecieron explicaciones satisfactorias. La expresión carga sensitiva fue utilizada el lunes pasado por la Consejera de Asuntos Administrativos Dorothy Sarro al solicitar autorización para que un camión con acoplado pudiera ingresar a la plataforma operativa. El enorme C17, un carguero Boeing Globmaster III, más grande que los conocidos Hercules, llegó en la tarde del jueves con un arsenal de poderosas armas largas para un curso sobre manejo de crisis y toma de rehenes ofrecido por el gobierno de Estados Unidos al Grupo Especial de Operaciones Especiales de la Policía Federal (GEOF), que debía tener lugar durante todo febrero y marzo. El gobierno estima que el costo total del transporte y el curso ronda los dos millones de dólares. El curso estaba autorizado por el gobierno argentino, pero cuando el personal chequeó que el contenido de la carga coincidiera con la lista entregada de antemano, aparecieron cañones de ametralladora y carabina y una extraña valija que no habían sido incluidas en la declaración. Aunque el curso estaba destinado a fuerzas policiales argentinas, la carga llegó en un transporte militar y en Ezeiza la recibieron los agregados militar y de defensa, coroneles Edwin Passmore y Mark Alcott. Todas las cajas tenían el sello de la 7ª Brigada de Paracaidistas del Ejército con sede en North Carolina. Intentaron pasar en forma clandestina mil pies cúbicos, equivalentes a un tercio de la carga con que llegó el avión, luego de escalas en Panamá y Lima.
La nota que la embajadora Vilma Martínez envió en noviembre al ministro de Justicia Julio Alak, quien por entonces también se encargaba de la seguridad, recordaba que la primera fase del entrenamiento al GEOF para el rescate de rehenes se había realizado en abril, “por lo cual se nos solicitó realizar otro más avanzado”. En otra nota, dirigida el 21 de diciembre a la ministra de Seguridad Nilda Garré, que había asumido el cargo cinco días antes, Vilma Martínez le informó que Alak había aprobado la realización del curso y que para dictarlo llegarían doce “expertos militares estadounidenses”. Cursos similares se realizaron en 1997 y 1999, bajo la presidencia de Carlos Menem, y 2002, durante los meses en que el ex senador Eduardo Duhalde cumplió un interinato a cargo del Poder Ejecutivo. No los hubo durante el gobierno de Néstor Kirchner y se reanudaron en 2009, bajo el actual gobierno. El nuevo curso, de cinco semanas, estaba programado para agosto de 2010, pero debió postergarse por un episodio similar. En aquel momento fue la embajadora Vilma Martínez la que se negó a recibir el cargamento porque la numeración de las armas no coincidía con la del listado previo, lo cual muestra los conflictos que esta práctica produce dentro del propio gobierno estadounidense. “Esto es una vergüenza”, dijo entonces Martínez, antes de devolver la carga a North Carolina. Por orden de la presidente CFK, funcionarios de la Cancillería y de los ministerios de Planificación Federal y de Seguridad, de la AFIP y de la Aduana supervisaron el procedimiento. Luego se sumaron técnicos de los ministerios de Salud y del Interior.
En su libro ya clásico The Mission. Waging War and Keeping Peace with America’s Military, publicado en 2003, la periodista del diario The Washington Post Dana Priest describió la dramática primacía del Pentágono en la formulación y ejecución de la política exterior estadounidense. Con más de un millar de personas, el Comando Sur supera la cantidad de especialistas en América Latina de las Secretarías de Estado, de Defensa, de Agricultura, de Comercio y del Tesoro sumadas. Este desequilibrio no ha cesado de crecer y Estados Unidos intenta exportarlo a los países bajo su influencia, que son casi todos. Como ya había caído la noche del jueves, Cristina ordenó precintar la valija y reanudar la tarea al día siguiente, para lo cual dispuso que la Cancillería y el ministerio del Interior enviaran al lugar personal técnico capacitado para entender de qué se trataba. Durante seis horas del viernes, varios de los marines de los Estados Unidos se sentaron en forma rotativa sobre la valija, lo cual sugiere la importancia que le asignaban a su contenido. Según los estadounidenses se trata de software y material sensitivo para la seguridad. Un coronel dijo que no debía abrirse a cielo abierto porque podría revelar secretos a los satélites que sobrevolaran en ese momento. El avión también contenía una caja con merchandising para regalar a los policías argentinos, que incluía gorras, chalecos y otras baratijas. El canciller Héctor Timerman permaneció casi todo el día en el aeropuerto, junto con el secretario de transporte Juan Pablo Schiavi, en cumplimiento de instrucciones presidenciales, junto con personal de la Policía de Seguridad Aeroportuaria, de la Aduana y de la AFIP y con los principales directivos de las direcciones de Informática, de Tecnología y Seguridad y de Sistemas del ministerio del Interior. También intervinieron dos inspectoras del Instituto Nacional de Medicamentos (Iname) y la Administración Nacional de Medicamentos, Alimentos y Tecnología Médica (Anmat). Tomó intervención el juez en lo penal económico Ezequiel Berón de Estrada. La embajada retiró del aeropuerto a su personal jerárquico y se negó a consentir la apertura de la valija. Luego de un día completo de tira y afloje, Timerman informó que usaría sus facultades legales para abrirla. Lo acompañaba la oficial principal Patricia Adrianma Rodríguez Muiños, de la sección Importaciones de la Policía Federal, a la que estaba dirigida la carga. Al comprobar la decisión oficial de proseguir, y vencido el plazo final de una hora que fijó Timerman, la embajada pidió diez minutos de prórroga hasta el arribo a Ezeiza de la jefa de prensa, Shannon Bell Farrell. Tanto ella como el agregado Stephen Knute Kleppe dijeron que no tenían la clave del candado, por lo que Timerman dispuso que la Aduana lo cortara con un alicate. Cuando ello ocurrió, en la tarde del viernes, aparecieron equipos de transmisión, mochilas militares, medicamentos que según los funcionarios estaban vencidos, pen drives, sobre cuyo contenido deberán dictaminar los expertos, y drogas estupefacientes y narcóticas y estimulantes del sistema nervioso. Entre el material había tres aparatos encriptadores para comunicación. Dentro de la valija secreta también apareció un sobre supersecreto, de tela verde. Como el personal de la embajada dijo que no tenía la llave del sobre, también fue abierto por medios expeditivos. En su interior se hallaron dos pen drives rotulados “Secreto”, una llave I2 de software para información; un disco rígido también marcado como “Secreto”. Códigos de comunicaciones encriptadas y un gracioso folleto traducido a quince idiomas, con el texto: “Soy un soldado de los Estados Unidos. Por favor, informe a mi embajada que he sido arrestado por país”. Ninguno de esos materiales coincide con las especificaciones que la embajada envió a la Cancillería sobre la índole del curso que debía impartirse para el rescate de rehenes. Luego de presenciar esos hallazgos, los funcionarios de la embajada decidieron retirarse, pese al pedido oficial para que permanecieran allí, y no firmaron el acta. El jueves el coronel Alcott dijo que no sabía que algo similar hubiera sucedido en ningún lugar del mundo. Las armas y la valija no declarada fueron requisadas y mañana lunes 14 continuará la verificación de su contenido. Por ejemplo, los antibióticos, antihistamínicos, complejos vitamínicos, protectores solares y hormonas hallados, estarían vencidos según la información de sus envases. Pero el gobierno quiere verificar si se trata de los medicamentos que dicen los envases y si es cierto que están vencidos. El resto del material, que coincidía con la declaración previa fue transportado en un flete de la embajada hasta la sede de la Policía Montada en la calle Cavia. Al cierre de este artículo fuentes de la embajada dijeron que en Washington se estaba preparando un documento con la posición oficial y que consideraban que el entrenamiento sería suspendido. El Departamento de Estado citó al embajador argentino Alfredo Chiaradía y le expresó su “sorpresa” por el procedimiento ya que “Estados Unidos desea mantener relaciones amistosas con la Argentina”. Curiosa forma de lograrlo. Cualquier argentino, civil o militar, que intentara ingresar armas y drogas no declaradas a los Estados Unidos iría preso en forma inmediata.
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Bah, se os gringos filhos da puta querem foder os hermanos filhos da puta, então eu estou mais com eles do que nunca!!! "Oh, say, can you see"...Tricampeão escreveu:Espero que esse FATO seja o suficiente para que os poucos defensores de gringo que ainda existem no mundo parem de tentar deturpar os tópicos que tratam da ameaça que os Estados FALI-D-O-DOS representam para todos nós.
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